================================================
01 Zeev Sternhell: Faschistische Ideologie
von: <OEKOLI_Wien@gmx.net>
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Zeev Sternhell: Faschistische Ideologie
Diese Woche ist erstmals eine deutsche Übersetzung von Zeev Sternhells
Arbeit über die faschistische Ideologie erschienen, die 1976 zum ersten mal
auf
Englisch herausgekommen ist. Der emeritierte Professor für Geschichte an der
Hebräischen Universität in Jerusalem und Autor von "Maurice Barres et le
nationalisme francais" (1972), "Ni droite, ni gauche. L´ideologie fasciste
en
France" (1983 und "Die Entstehung der faschistischen Ideologie" (1999)
beschäftigt
sich dabei bewußt nur mit der Ideologie des Faschismus und nicht mit dem
Faschismus als Herrschaftssystem. Auch der deutsche und österreichische
Nationasozialismus wird nur am Rande gestreift, da Sternhell diesen für eine
Sonderform des Faschismus hält, die nicht nur quantitativ, sondern auch
qualitativ
etwas eigenes darstellt.
Im Mittelpunkt von Sternhells Untersuchung steht somit der italienische und
französische Faschismus und seine rechten wie linken Wurzeln. Insbesondere
legt er ein Augenmerk auf die Rolle von (ehemaligen) Radikalen Sozialisten
und
Anarchosyndikalisten in der Entstehung der faschistischen Ideologie, die er
nicht nur einfach als Produkt der Rechten betrachtet, sondern in ihrer
antibürgerlichen, antiparlamentarischen und antiliberalen Ausrichtung auch
mit
Elementen der radikalen Linken verbindet. Ohne den Beitrag den ehemalige
Sozialisten wie Mussolini oder ehemalige Anarchosyndikalisten wie Georges
Sorel oder
Roberto Michels - die ohne Umweg über die "politische Mitte" von der
radikalen
Linken zur radikalen Rechten wanderten - zum Entstehen des Faschismus
geleistet haben, wäre nach Sternhell das Neue an der faschistischen
Ideologie genau
so wenig denkbar, wie seine Faszination bei den ArbeiterInnen und "kleinen
Leuten".
Der "revolutionäre" Faschismus speiste sich nach Sternhell auch aus
Elementen der Radikalen Linken und sah das Revolutionäre Subjekt nur nicht
mehr im
Proletariat, sondern in der Nation, sah die Welt in einem globalen Kampf
zwischen "proletarischen Nationen" und "bourgeoisen Nationen" und sah in der
Expansion Italiens einen "Kolonialismus einer proletarischen Nation".
Wie kurz der Weg von der radikalen Linken zum Faschismus war, ist
erschreckend, hat aber leider nichts von seiner Aktualität eingebüßt. Gerade
für
aktuelle Diskussionen über den Antisemitismus in der Linken, den
Antiimperialismus
oder die verkürzte Kapitalismuskritik der Antiglobalisierungsbewegung ist
die
Debatte um den linken Anteil an der Entstehung des historischen Faschismus
unumgänglich. Das Buch von Sternhell ist insofern auf für all jene
Pflichtlektüre, die seiner Analyse nicht in jedem Detail zustimmen, aber in
eine
Diskussion über die Ideologie des Faschismus einsteigen wollen und sich
nicht mit
einer Domitroffschen Le(h)rformel begnügen.
Faschistische Ideologie
Eine Einführung
Berlin, 2002. 128 S.
Verbrecher Verlag
Politisches Buch
ISBN-Nr. 393584302X
Preis: EUR 12,30

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02 Elsässer/Lesung in Wien.
von: Friedensbüro Wien <pax_vienna@aon.at>
================================================
Kriegslügen
Die Rätsel des 11. September und der deutsche Griff zur Weltmacht
Jürgen Elsässer (konkret-Redakteur) referiert über seine neuen Bücher
"Deutschland führt Krieg" und "Make Love and War"
Montag, 17. Juni 2002, 19,00 Uhr
Universität Wien, Neues Institutsgebäude (NIG) Hörsaal II
1010 Wien, Universitätsstraße 7
Jürgen Elsässer liest in Wien!
Jürgen Elsässer (Jahrgang 1957), nach Meinung des SPIEGEL ein
"Berufszyniker" mit "altlinken Klischees", war bis Juni 1997 leitender
Redakteur der Berliner Tageszeitung "junge Welt" und ist seit April 1999
Redakteur von KONKRET. Sein Buch "Kriegsverbrechen. Die tödlichen Lügen der
Bundesregierung und ihre Opfer im Kosovo-Konflikt" ist längst ein
"Klassiker" der Literatur gegen den NATO-Krieg gegen Jugoslawien im Frühjahr
1999.
In diesem Jahr sind die Bücher "Make Love and War. Wie Grüne und
Achtundsechziger die Republik verändern" und "Deutschland führt Krieg. Seit
dem 11. September wird zurückgeschossen" erschienen, die er am 17. Juni 2002
auch in Wien präsentiert.
Jürgen Elsässer: "Wir müssen Bush ernst nehmen: Er hat gesagt, 2002 wird das
Jahr des Krieges, und der Krieg für die Freiheit, also gegen die Gleichheit,
werde noch viele Jahre weitergehen. Die Deutschen sind an diesem Krieg
beteiligt, aktuell und in den nächsten Jahren wohl im Windschatten der
US-Amerikaner, als Hyänen des Krieges, die ihr Aas in den Trümmern finden,
die die US-Bomber hinterlassen haben. In nicht allzu ferner Zukunft wird
sich das von Deutschland geführte Europa aber auch gegen die USA richten,
weil der Erdball für zwei gleichberechtigte Supermächte einfach zu klein
ist. Der Hauptfeind steht im eigenen Land - nicht in Washington, aber auch
nicht in Kabul oder Bagdad" (aus: "Deutschland führt Krieg").
In diesem Sinn fordert er einen möglichst breiten Kampf gegen den jetzt
begonnenen Krieg und insbesondere gegen Deutschlands Beteiligung an diesem
Krieg, was auch auf Österreich übersetzt werden kann und muss: Denn auch
österreichische Soldaten stehen (trotz Neutralitätsgesetz) unter deutschem
Kommando in Kabul. Der Anti-Kriegs-Kampf ist für Elsässer "der Geburtshelfer
für die entschiedene gesellschaftliche Opposition". Dementsprechend wird die
"bellizistische Häutung" innerhalb von Teilen der Linken von ihm scharf
kritisiert. So z. B. jene von Teilen der sogenannten Neunundachtziger (jene
Antinationalen und Poplinken, die sich als Reaktion auf den Fall der Mauer
und die deutsche Wiedervereinigung gebildet haben). "Die Antinationalen und
Poplinken waren schon 1999 bei der Bombardierung Jugoslawiens dabei, die
´Bahamas´ macht jetzt den Feldzug gegen Afghanistan mit. Das Zentralorgan
der frischgewendeten Zivilgesellschaftler ist die Wochenzeitung ´Jungle
World´ [...] Diese Neu!
nundachtziger feiern heute den barbarischen Krieg der westlichen Welt im
Mittleren Osten".
Elsässer - im Gegensatz dazu - zu seiner Vorstellung eines
Anti-Kriegs-Kampfes: "Dem Imperialismus Widerstand zu leisten, ohne die
Hoffnung auf eine weltumspannende Zivilisation in der Tradition von 1789 und
1917 fallen zu lassen".
Für ausreichend Diskussionsstoff dürfte bei seinem Vortrag in Wien am
Montag, 17. Juni 2002 (19 Uhr im Neuen Institutsgebäude der Uni Wien, 1010,
Universitätsstraße 7. Hörsaal II), gesorgt sein und wir laden alle
Interessierten dazu herzlich ein.
Friedensbüro Wien in Zusammenarbeit mit der Wochenzeitung VolksstimmeWeitere Infos: Friedensbüro Wien Tel&Fax (01) 796 5921 pax.vienna@aon.at

================================================
03 Protestveranstaltung der ÖH Uni-Wien
von: Conte di Ferro <conte.di.ferro@aon.at>
================================================
Am 11. Juni 2002 gibt es nochmals vor der Sommerpause einen größeren (d.h.
in den meisten Unistädten stattfindenden) Aktionstag gegen den momentan
betriebenen Bildungsabbau! Die ÖH Uni Wien beteiligt sich in Kooperation
mit anderen Gruppen (SchülerInnen, Lehrenden, ...) mit folgendem Programm
an diesem Tag:
Bildung in Ketten ?! RESIST!
* 10.30 Uhr: "SklavInnenzug" (Demo) unter dem Motto "Die Bildung wird
versklavt!": Treffpunkt Ballhausplatz (Botschaft der Besorgten BürgerInnen)
-> die Demo bewegt sich dann über den Minoritenplatz, Teinfaltstraße,
Schottengasse, Wipplingerstraße, Ring zur Uni; Bring dein SklavInnenkostüm
und zeig deinen Unmut gegen den momentanen neoliberalen Gesellschaftsumbau.* ca. 12.00 Uhr: "SklavInnenauktion" vor dem Uni-Hauptgebäude: Kauf dir
deine Bildung!
* danach: RednerInnen: Robert Menasse, Liga für Menschenrechte, ...
* Nachmittags: Workshops vor der Uni:
- GATS (General Agreement in Trade and Services) und Bildung
- GATS und Sicherheit
- UG 2002 aus feministischer Sicht
- Uni und Rechtsextremismus
- Uni neu denken! - Alternativen zur momentanen Bildungspolitik
- Kreativworkshops
- ...
* Abends: Fest "Bildung sprengt Ketten!" vor dem Universitäts-Hauptgebäude
Der Kampf gegen den neoliberalen Gesellschaftsumbau hat gerade erst
begonnen!
Mit widerständigen Grüßen,
Andrea Brunner
ÖH Uni Wien eMail-Aussendungen der Uni Wien
siehe <http://www.univie.ac.at/mass_mailer/>

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MELDUNGEN UND KOMMENTARE
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04 Fristenlösungsdiskussion
von: <selbstbestimmungsrechtderfrau@gmx.net>
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Mal wieder den ganzen römisch-katholischen "Lebensschutz" in aller Härte und
in allem nur möglichen Fundamentalismus! die "Körperpolitik" der
Katholischen Kirche scheint uns unerträglich penetrant! Und nebenbei
bemerkt, ist der
Artikel (ebendort) über den Weltjugendtag für das Leben auch nicht
uninteressant!
zu finden unter:
http://www.kath.net/detail.php?id=2668Schweiz » Liechtenstein: Sagt ja zum menschlichen Leben
Eine Stellungnahme von Erzbischof Wolfgang Haas zur Diskussion über die
"Fristenlösung" in Liechtenstein
KATH.NET dokumentiert den Wortlaut
In jüngster Zeit werden in Liechtenstein vermehrt Stimmen laut, die sich für
eine weitere Liberalisierung der strafrechtlichen Bestimmungen betreffend
die Abtreibung der menschlichen Leibesfrucht bzw. den
Schwangerschaftsabbruch
aussprechen oder zumindest eine Diskussion darüber anregen. Der Zeitgeist
mit
seinen verheerenden Auswirkungen auf die Würde des menschlichen Lebens und
der menschlichen Person dringt offenbar immer mehr auch hierzulande ein. Der
Aufruf zu einer breit angelegten Debatte über das Thema des
Schwangerschaftsabbruchs und seiner strafrechtlichen Verfolgung will also im
Fürstentum
Liechtenstein ein Echo finden. Von kirchlicher Seite und vom
naturrechtlichen
Standpunkt aus gibt es jedoch darüber nichts zu diskutieren, was hiermit von
Anfang
an klargestellt sein soll. Meine pastorale Verantwortung für das Erzbistum
Vaduz veranlasst mich daher, zum vornherein deutlich zu machen, dass in der
angesprochenen Angelegenheit kirchlicherseits keinerlei Spielraum für
neuerliche
Auseinandersetzungen und Verhandlungen in der angepeilten Richtung besteht.
So möchte ich diesbezüglich sowohl die Grundsätze als auch die daraus
resultierenden Konsequenzen kurz darlegen:
° Bei seinem Pastoralbesuch vom 8. September 1985 in Liechtenstein hat Papst
Johannes Paul II. bei seiner Predigt im Sportpark von Eschen-Mauren
Folgendes gesagt: «Die katholische Kirche wird nicht aufhören, all jene
Grundsätze
unverkürzt und uneingeschränkt zu wiederholen und immer neu zu betonen,
welche
insbesondere das Übel des ausserehelichen Zusammenlebens, der ehelichen
Untreue, der zunehmenden Scheidungspraxis, des Ehemissbrauchs und der
Abtreibung
der menschlichen Leibesfrucht betreffen.» In seiner dortigen
Angelus-Ansprache
fügte der Heilige Vater hinzu: «Das werdende menschliche Leben im
Mutterschoss, entstanden durch die Schöpfermacht Gottes im geheimnisvollen
Zusammenwirken mit der lebensspendenen Kraft von Mann und Frau, ist vom
ersten Augenblick
der Empfängnis an ein besonders schützenswertes Gut. Auch die Mutter selbst,
die unter dem Herzen das aufkeimende und sich entwickelnde Menschenkind
trägt, verdient in hohem Masse Achtung, Ehrfurcht und Anerkennung. So rufe
ich am
heutigen Geburtsfest Mariens ganz besonders dazu auf, das werdende Kind im
Mutterleib als vollwertigen Menschen anzuerkennen und einer werdenden Mutter
mit Respekt und Wertschätzung, Liebe und Feinfühligkeit zu begegnen. Sagt ja
zum menschlichen Leben in all seinen Phasen! Ihr setzt euch zu Recht ein für
die Gesunderhaltung der Umwelt, der Pflanzen und der Tiere! Sagt noch viel
entschiedener ja zum menschlichen Leben, das in der Rangordnung der Kreatur
weit
über allen geschaffenen Wirklichkeiten der sichtbaren Welt steht! Rettet den
ungeborenen Menschen vor der Bedrohung durch den geborenen Menschen, der
sich anmasst, das Leben eines Kindes im Mutterschoss antasten und töten zu
dürfen!» In seiner Ansprache an die zivilen Verantwortungsträger des Landes
Liechtenstein auf Schloss Vaduz äusserte der Papst nochmals: «Die
Menschheitsfamilie, aufgebaut aus den einzelnen Völkerfamilien, hat - so
gross sie auch ist -
immer die Einzelfamilie zur natürlichen Grundlage. Ihre sittliche Verfassung
steht somit in engstem Zusammenhang mit der religiös-sittlichen Qualität der
einzelnen Familie. Sie gestatten, dass ich dies auch hier wiederhole und, im
Blick auf die moralische Integrität der Einzelfamilie und des ganzen
Gemeinwesens, an dieser Stelle noch einmal betone, wie entscheidend es heute
ist, für
die Verteidigung der sittlichen Grundwerte in der Gesellschaft, besonders
für den Schutz des ungeborenen menschlichen Lebens, mit aller
Entschlossenheit
einzutreten. Das Zweite Vatikanische Konzil spricht hierzu eine deutliche
Sprache: "Gott, der Herr des Lebens, hat nämlich den Menschen die hohe
Aufgabe
der Erhaltung des Lebens übertragen, die auf eine menschenwürdige Weise
erfüllt werden muss. Das Leben ist daher von der Empfängnis an mit höchster
Sorgfalt zu schützen. Abtreibung und Tötung des Kindes sind
verabscheuungswürdige
Verbrechen" (Gaudium et spes, Nr. 51). Die klare Stimme, mit der die Kirche
für
das schwache, wehrlose Kind eintritt, darf nicht ungehört verhallen; es ist
die Stimme des Kindes selber, das Gott «im Schoss der Mutter gewoben» hat,
wie der Psalmist sagt (vgl. Ps 139,13). Niemand darf diesen Schoss auf
unmoralische Weise verletzen; wer dies tut, verletzt den Schoss der Familie
selber,
der natürlichen ebenso wie der Völkerfamilie und der Menschheitsfamilie.
Möge
deshalb auch das Fürstentum Liechtenstein - auf dem sittlichen Fundament
seines christlichen Erbes - alles unternehmen, um den Wert und die Würde des
menschlichen Lebens in allen seinen Phasen wirksam zu schützen und zu
verteidigen. Die ¬Charta der Familienrechte, die vom Heiligen Stuhl im
Oktober 1983
allen Personen, Institutionen und Autoritäten vorgelegt worden ist, die mit
der
Sendung der Familie in der heutigen Welt befasst sind, versteht sich als
eine hilfreiche Wegweisung «zugunsten der Familie, die geachtet und gegen
jeden
widerrechtlichen Zugriff verteidigt werden muss (ebd., Einführung). Das
Lebensrecht des ungeborenen Menschen gehört zu jenen unveräusserlichen
Menschenrechten, für deren Schutz und Verteidigung sich gerade auch Ihr Land
in der
Geschichte und vor allem in der jüngsten Vergangenheit durch vielfältige
opferbereite und auch mutige Initiativen vorbildlich eingesetzt hat.» Auch
wenn es
leider nicht gelungen ist, im Strafgesetzbuch des Fürstentums Liechtenstein
vom 24. Juni 1987 den Schwangerschaftsabbruch vollumfänglich und mit aller
Konsequenz zu ahnden, ändert dies nichts an der Position der Kirche, die
uneingeschränkt für den Schutz dieses Lebens plädiert und dies auch dem
Staat als
Pflicht in Erinnerung ruft. Diesbezüglich sollte die strafrechtliche
Absicherung
des Schutzes des ungeborenen Lebens - auch im Sinne einer Signalwirkung für
eine zunehmend wertegefährdete Gesellschaft - verstärkt und nicht gelockert
werden.
° Im Bewusstsein, dass Abtreibung eine direkte Verletzung des grundlegenden
Lebensrechtes des Menschen ist (vgl. «Charta der Familienrechte» vom 22.
Oktober 1983, Art. 4) und somit menschliches Leben vom Augenblick der
Empfängnis
an absolut geachtet und geschützt werden muss, erkennt die Kirche die
Notwendigkeit, dass das staatliche Gesetz mit dem Sittengesetz
übereinstimmen muss.
So lehrt Papst Johannes XXIII. in seiner Enzyklika «Pacem in terris»: «Die
Befehlsgewalt wird von der sittlichen Ordnung erfordert und geht von Gott
aus.
Falls daher Staatslenker entgegen dieser Ordnung und insofern entgegen dem
Willen Gottes Gesetze erlassen oder etwas gebieten, dann können weder die
erlassenen Gesetze noch die gewährten Vollmachten das Gewissen der Bürger
verpflichten ... Vielmehr bricht dann die Autorität selbst völlig zusammen,
und es
folgt scheussliches Unrecht» (AAS 55 1963 271). In ähnlicher Weise stellt
auch
Papst Johannes Paul II. diesen Sachverhalt dar: «Die Gesetze, die Abtreibung
und Euthanasie zulassen und begünstigen, stellen sich also nicht nur radikal
gegen das Gut des einzelnen, sondern auch gegen das Gemeinwohl und sind
daher
ganz und gar ohne glaubwürdige Rechtsgültigkeit. Tatsächlich ist es die
Nicht-Anerkennung des Rechtes auf Leben, die sich, gerade weil sie zur
Tötung des
Menschen führt - in dessen Dienst zu stehen die Gesellschaft ja den Grund
ihres Bestehens hat - am frontalsten und irreparabel der Möglichkeit einer
Verwirklichung des Gemeinwohls entgegenstellt. Daraus folgt, dass ein
staatliches
Gesetz, wenn es Abtreibung und Euthanasie billigt, eben darum kein wahres,
sittlich verpflichtendes staatliches Gesetz mehr ist. Abtreibung und
Euthanasie sind also Verbrechen, die für rechtmässig zu erklären sich kein
menschliches Gesetz anmassen kann. Gesetze dieser Art rufen nicht nur keine
Verpflichtung für das Gewissen hervor, sondern erheben vielmehr die schwere
und klare
Verpflichtung, sich ihnen mit Hilfe des Einspruchs aus Gewissensgründen zu
widersetzen» (Papst Johannes Paul II., Enzyklika «Evangelium vitae» vom 25.
März
1995 über den Wert und die Unantastbarkeit des menschlichen Lebens, Nr.
72/73). Im Zusammenhang mit dem Verbrechen der Abtreibung von einer
«Entkriminalisierung» zu sprechen bzw. eine solche zu fordern, ist somit
völlig deplaziert.
° Jede wissentlich und willentlich durchgeführte Tötung der Leibesfrucht
nach der Empfängnis ist Abtreibung und zieht die kanonische Strafe der
Exkommunikation nach sich. Die Kirche ahndet also dieses Vergehen gegen das
menschliche Leben mit jener Strafe, mit der sie bestimmte besonders schwere
Sünden
belegt. Denen, die diese strengste Kirchenstrafe trifft, sind der Empfang
der
Sakramente und die Ausübung gewisser kirchlicher Handlungen untersagt. Doch
bleiben sie Glieder der Kirche und sind beispielsweise immer in deren
fürbittendem Gebet eingeschlossen, wie sie auch bei Reue und Umkehr Anspruch
auf
Versöhnung mit der Kirche haben. Bei alledem wird deutlich, dass die
Vornahme einer
Abtreibung sowohl eine schwerwiegende Verletzung von Gottes Geboten als auch
eine solche der kirchlichen Gemeinschaft ist, die nach Versöhnung und Sühne
verlangt.
In Wahrnehmung meines bischöflichen Hirtendienstes veröffentliche ich
hiermit diese Stellungnahme, um den Gläubigen und allen Menschen guten
Willens im
Fürstentum Liechtenstein Klarheit darüber zu verschaffen, wie die
katholische
Kirche zum Straftatbestand der Abtreibung steht und welche Konsequenzen sich
daraus auch für den gesellschaftlichen und staatlichen Bereich ergeben. Hier
handelt es sich für die Kirche um eine Angelegenheit, die keinesfalls
verhandelbar ist und keinerlei Kompromisse duldet. Ebenso deutlich ist
hervorzuheben, dass die Berufung der Frau als Mutter in unserer Gesellschaft
einer viel
grösseren Wertschätzung und Unterstützung bedürfte. Was den kirchlichen
Dienst
an einer Frau, die durch ihre Schwangerschaft in Not geraten ist, anbelangt,
biete ich gerne die mir möglichen Hilfen an, namentlich auch die
seelsorgliche Begleitung und Betreuung.
(Erzbischof Wolfgang Haas)© www.kath.net 06. 06. 2002
--
Aktionskomitee für das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Frau, Wien
Selbstbestimmungsrechtderfrau@gmx.net
(detailierte Infos zu Österreich auch in einem Artikel von Viktoria Roth:
http://wolfsmutter.frauenweb.at/news/prolife.html#geschichte )

================================================
05 Workers Power Global Week
von: NEWSWIRE <newswire@workerspower.com>
================================================

>>>WORKERS POWER GLOBAL WEEK
E-newswire of the LRCI
8 June 2002
============================================================
>>>>WELCOME TO ISSUE #96
Workers Power Global Week is the English language e-newsletter of the LRCI.
To unsubscribe go to: http://www.workerspower.com/wpglobal/newsform.html
Please forward this to a comrade.
============================================================
>>EUROPE: BUILD SOCIAL FORUMS TO STRENGTHEN ANTI-CAPITALIST MOVEMENT
>>WORLD CUP: FIFA RIDDLED WITH CORRUPTION
>>ARGENTINA: THE GENERAL STRIKE IN CORDOBA
>>ARGENTINA: WORKERS TAKE CLINIC INTO THEIR OWN HANDS
>>IRELAND: JOBS BOOM ENDS AND PUBLIC SECTOR REBELS
============================================================
>>EUROPE: BUILD SOCIAL FORUMS TO STRENGTHEN ANTI-CAPITALIST MOVEMENT
Workers Power Global, London
The decision to hold a European Social Forum (ESF) was made at the second
World Social Forum, which met in Porto Alegre in Brazil, earlier this year.
The ESF will run from 7-10 November in Florence and is supported by a wide
range of trade unions, the Social Forums and various parties and far left
organisations.
At the first Brussels organising meeting it was agreed that: "The ESF, which
is part of the World Social Forum process, has to be a common public space
of dialogue, discussion and contamination (sic)" and most definitely, "not a
conference, not a movement or congress."
The organisers, particularly Le Monde Diplomatique and Attac, opposed the
participation of parties as such, seeking to restrict the status of
"official delegates" to NGOs and trade unions, for the reason that these are
"social organisations", part of "civil society" and that members of parties
should be there as individuals.
This is a reactionary viewpoint, confirming Attac's role as the right-wing
of the anti-capitalist movement. Parties and organisations of the left are -
as they have long been - legitimate components of the workers' and
progressive movements. They have as much right to participate in such events
as the self-selected leaders of movements such as Attac.
The ESF's political "point of reference" is the "Call of the Social
Movements" issued by Porto Alegre. Something of the pressure of the more
radical socialist and populist 60,000 participants made its way into this
Call. Despite Attac's expressed dislike about linking the resistance to
corporate globalisation to the movement against Bush's "war against
terrorism" the Declaration stated:
"There is the beginning of a permanent global war to cement the domination
of the US government and its allies. This war reveals another face of
neo-liberalism, a face which is brutal and unacceptable. The opposition to
the war is at the heart of our movement."
Attac's vice president Susan George argues that the war against terrorism is
not the military expression of globalisation and that it would be fatal for
the movement to join together with the anti-war movement. Attac's reticence
on the war is clearly related to the low level of anti-war mobilisations in
France, its original homeland.
The Porto Alegre Call also reflects the pressure of the large and strongly
critical delegation which came from Argentina. It declares its solidarity
with "the force of 'cacerolazos' and 'piquetes,' popular mobilisations
[which] have demanded their basic rights of food, jobs and housing".
It is also imbued with the experience of the Italian movements, such as the
Social Forums, radicalised by events in Genoa. It denounces the G8 and the
Berlusconi government which, "responded with violence and repression,
denouncing as criminals those who dared to protest".
It stigmatises US involvement in the military operations of Plan Colombia,
the economic blockades against Cuba and Iraq, the growing repression against
trade unions, social movements, and activists. It demands "unconditional
cancellation of debt and the reparation of historical, social, and
ecological debts". These latter demands go beyond the timid positions of
most of the NGOs.
As can be seen from the fact that the Green Party in Britain opposed making
the Call the basis for the British ESF mobilising committee this declaration
has to be defended from attacks by the right. Some of its statements and
most of its calls are defensible as gains by the more militant fighting
organisations within the anti-capitalism movement (ACM).
What is wrong with the Call is what it does not contain.
It does not identify capitalism and imperialism as the enemy - merely
neo-liberalism. It does not draw any lessons for mass action from the mass
demonstrations like Prague, Genoa and Seattle. It does not say how all the
demands it raises can be won. Can they be imposed on the existing
institutions, the IMF the World Bank - subject to some reforms, as Attac
thinks?
Or do they require a complete dismantling and a return to the
self-sufficient national strategies of the 1960s as figures like Walden
Bello call for? Is a return to small-scale local communities and the
abandonment of most international exchange necessary, as the radical
populists of the Americas, and the anarchists suggest? Or is the overthrow
of global and local capitalism by mass action led by the working class, by
international revolution, the only way to "another world"?
The Call of the Social Movements says nothing on all of this. It does not
dare to mention anything like the class struggle and "workers" are included
only in a list of "social subjects " or "actors" in the
post-modernist/post-Marxist jargon so popular amongst intellectuals in
France and Italy. In short this is a reformist document. It is one we are
obliged to accept as a starting point for the discussions at the ESF but not
as limitation on them.
We need to be clear that the spirit of the anti-capitalist movement - as
reflected in the militant struggle on the streets of Seattle, Prague,
Gothenburg, Melbourne and Genoa - will not permit NGO officials, reformist
politicians, or trade union bureaucrats to narrow the agenda down to what
they regard as "possible".
Some positive developments have already taken place. The ESF will discuss
the question of war as well as neo-liberalism. Also it has been decided that
the rigid distinction between "official delegates" and the "fringe" which
existed in Porto Alegre will not be followed in Florence.
The "Italian" proposal presented to the organising meetings held in Brussels
and Vienna suggests a triple theme: Neo-liberalism and globalisation; war
and disarmament; democracy and citizenship. Each day will be structured
around large general conferences (2000-3000 people) held in the morning.
These will followed in the afternoon by a large number of seminars,
campaigns, self-organised workshops. Specific debates will take place in the
late afternoon and then cultural events in the evenings.
The more radical forces (Ya Basta, IST) will advance more radical proposals.
The SWP in Britain has already proposed discussion of the Argentine
assambleas populares, the Italian social forums, the participatory budgets
of the Brazilian Workers Party (PT). Indeed Brazil may be a major issue of
debate between reformists and revolutionaries if Lula, the candidate of the
PT, is elected president in October.
Also Italy itself provides a rich agenda for debate. The struggles of
workers like the young FIOM strikers, the anti-war and anti-racist mass
mobilisations against Berlusconi, the experience of the social centres and
Ya Basta! will all provide an impetus to radicalism.
However, despite their support for a more radical agenda, the SWP have shown
no appetite for open or sharp criticism of the reformists and the NGOs. They
are strongly opposed to any polarisation of the movement - fearing it will
lead to a "premature" split.
This is a wrong approach, since the question will not be a "split" in any
immediate organisational sense. And besides, polarisation already exists -
and is manifest on every international demo that takes place when the
reformists queue up to denounce the "violence" of the revolutionaries, the
anarchists and the militants who prepared to take on the riot cops rather
than lobby the big-wigs.
Florence will be a battle - a political battle - to win support from the
militant workers and youth. They will be presented with all shades of
reformism at the ESF. If revolutionaries do not openly and boldly present an
alternative then reformism will gain ground.
The mobilisation for the ESF is an enormous opportunity to raise questions
rarely discussed in the bureaucratised national labour movements, to meet
and confront reformist ideas. In addition it is an opportunity to make sure
that the radicalised young people, who formed the overwhelming majority of
the mobilisations from Seattle to Seville, do not get sidelined by the
academics and the MPs. We urge all our readers to make plans to go. Get in
touch with us and be part of the revolutionary anti-capitalists in Florence.
FOR MORE ON THE ANTI-GLOBALISATION MOVEMENT SEE:
http://www.workerspower.com/wpglobal/globalisation-index.html
http://workerspower.com/wpglobal/gothenburgbalance.html
http://workerspower.com/wpglobal/Nicesummit.html
http://workerspower.com/wpglobal/gttenburgG8.html
http://workerspower.com/wpglobal/globalisation.html
http://workerspower.com/wpglobal/FTAA.html

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>>WORLD CUP: FIFA RIDDLED WITH CORRUPTION
Workers Power Global, London
It's a shadowy, unaccountable transnational organisation, dispensing bribes
to the Third World and riddled with corruption. No, not the IMF, but FIFA -
the international football federation that is running the World Cup.
Just days before the World Cup, FIFA held its annual meeting and re-elected
the man charged with corruption by his own subordinates. But that does not
worry Sepp Blatter. He won on the back of votes from some of the poorest
countries in world football. The fact that his main innovation has been a
programme that dispenses millions of dollars to the football officials of
these countries surely has nothing to do with it.
Once Blatter was reinstalled, his critics resigned and dropped the
corruption charges. With the world's attention now focused on the game not
the dodgy deals surrounding it, will that be the end of the matter?
Don't count on it. Because FIFA is sitting on a pyramid of financial
disaster that could bring the whole game crumbling down once the World Cup
Finals have ended.
The corruption allegations raised by Blatter's right hand man, Michel
Zen-Ruffinen, go back years - but it was the collapse of FIFA's marketing
partner, Swiss-based ISM, that triggered the crisis. FIFA's official losses
are put in millions of dollars. Zen-Ruffinen says it could be billions. We
will only know the truth if Blatter's ability to go on covering up the state
of FIFA's finances fails.
But the sheer scale of the money being talked about tells us something about
the way international capitalism is leeching off football.
There are two big sources of profit from football: advertising sponsorship
and broadcasting rights. Since the advertising on players' shirts and boots
would not mean much if they weren't on TV, it's no surprise that the lion's
share is generated by TV rights.
Or was generated. As well as the collapse of ISM, which was in charge of
marketing the World Cup, we've seen the bankruptcy of Kirch Media - the
German firm that owns the TV rights to both this and the 2006 tournament.
The football's still being televised, because Kirch is being allowed to run
itself while bankrupt - a nifty capitalist trick. But after the event it is
likely that the whole structure of international football, TV rights and
sponsorship will come apart.
Football Associations in the developed world - especially UEFA - are even
talking about setting up an alternative to FIFA.
If all this capitalist chicanery were something you had to put up with in
order for the sport to grow and improve, and had no impact on the game
itself, you might decide you could live with it.
But what it all means for football was shown in the last World Cup Final,
when Brazilian boy-wonder Ronaldo felt unwell - he had a seizure - before
the big game. His name was left off the team sheet but he reportedly begged
the manager to be allowed to play.
Nike had a $200m sponsorship deal with Brazil and Ronaldo himself was
getting $1m a year. A Brazilian Congressional Committee hearing two years
ago did not manage to shed any light on the sequence of decisions that led
Ronaldo to go on the pitch. His performance was dismal. Was it because Nike
pressured the coach, pressured the player or because they pressured
themselves? We may never know but the incident is widely seen as an example
of how the commercialisation of sport can kill real competition.
Another example is what is happening to the English Football League in light
of the ITV Digital collapse. Up to 30 out of 72 clubs could go bankrupt. The
TV money made them as dependent as junkies on the commercial handouts.
They've spent most of the money up front on players' wages. These in turn
end up in the pockets of sports car dealers and lapdancing club owners.
Because capitalism couldn't make a profit out of making us pay to watch
football on TV, football itself has to pay the price.
The current World Cup will no doubt be full of drama and excitement. But
with people like Blatter in charge, fans will be keeping fingers crossed
that it's only sporting drama - not financial collapse or Ronaldo-style
personal tragedy.FOR MORE ON THE WORLD CUP SEE:
http://www.workerspower.com/wpglobal/globalisation-WorldCup.html
============================================================
>>ARGENTINA: THE GENERAL STRIKE IN CORDOBA
Workers Power Global, Cordoba
The general strike on May 29th was different in Cordoba as compared to the
other cities of Argentina. Cordoba is like that.
The general strike was called by the CTA, which is one of the three main
trade union confederations. Its membership is concentrated in the public
sector but it also has strong links to the unemployed movement. The two
other union confederations, the "official" CGT, led by Daer and the
"dissident" CGT of Moyano, both refused to support the strike at the
national level.In Cordoba, the capital city of the province of the same name and, with a
million and half population, Argentina's second city, however, all the
unions supported the general strike.
May 29th was the 33rd anniversary of the "Cordobazo", the 1969 uprising
against the military dictatorship which saw the city occupied by workers and
students for several days until the army regained control. This year, the
anniversary was marked by contingents from every union, unemployed group and
student organisation marching to the demonstration from all over the city.
The whole of Cordoba was brought to a standstill as the thousands of
demonstrators converged on the centre.
Together with comrades from the PTS branch we marched with a 300 strong
contingent from "Luz y Fuerza", the militant power workers' union. At the
head, a group of activists let off fireworks, whose deafening roar announced
our progress. In Western Europe, such a noise would normally mark the high p
oint of the demo - or the beginning of a confrontation with the robocops -
but in Argentina it is just the normal way of doing things.
Between the advance guard with the fireworks and the main group of
demonstrators, twenty activists from "Luz y Fuerza", clad in blue overalls
and helmets, kept up the spirits of the crowd with drums and loudspeakers.Some 8,000 workers assembled at the start of the demonstration which was
marked by speeches from the leaders of the various unions. However, before
them, the national anthem was played as has become the norm on
demonstrations here. The demonstrators stood to attention, many singing
enthusiastically and there was loud cheering after the final, rousing
chorus. Afterwards, chants of "Argentina! Argentina!" were quickly displaced
by "Cordoba! Cordoba!" a sign of the strength of local patriotism.
People's pride in their city quickly becomes obvious even to a visitor. Time
and again, Cordoba has played a leading role in the history of the country -
during the military coup against Peron in 1955 as well as in the student and
worker mobilisations of 1969-76 and the Cordobazo itself.
Even the speeches of the union bureaucrats are a bit different from the
usual monologues. Not that we are talking about real workers' leaders. These
people have about as much in common with Agustin Tosco, the still respected,
near legendary leader of the Cordobazo who died while working in the
political underground in 1975, as Blair or Schröder have with socialism. Nor
was a speech from a representative of the national employers' federation
missing, "We must avoid giving the impression that this is to do with the
class struggle, rather than the welfare of the nation".
But, for all that, the bureaucrats in the Province of Cordoba, are forced to
use a more radical turn of phrase. So, one militant speech followed the
other against the "exploitation by the IMF", against the government of
Duhalde or the Provincial Governor, de la Sota, against neo-liberalism and
for the creation of a political alternative. Even a declaration of
solidarity with the workers of the Junin private clinic, who have been
occupying the premises for three weeks, was read out.
Nor was it just the speeches that were different from, for example, the CGT
(Moyano) strike on May 22nd. The audience was also different. Here, nobody
had been bribed to turn up with cash or drink. Everybody followed the
speeches with great attention and the enthusiasm was a genuine reflection of
people's feelings.
Afterwards, we marched to a further assembly point where we joined forces
with a contingent of CGT workers and adopted a common declaration calling
for cooperation and trade union unity. During the whole demo, leaving aside
the breaking of the windows in the local headquarters of the Peronist party,
there was no disorder.
The police, who are usually very aggressive in Cordoba, stayed in the
background this time and seldom made an appearance. The workers, especially
the "Luz y Fuerza" contingent, encouraged this by directing their fireworks
towards the police lines. The local HQ of the right wing party, the UCR, and
the house of a well known journalist of the daily paper "Clarin" got similar
treatment.
After the demonstration, a delegation of 100, including a group from "Luz y
Fuerza", PTS activists and other Leftists, held a solidarity meeting at the
Junin clinic. At this, the leader of the central works' council at the state
power station, which employs 2,600, declared their support for the
occupation and also supported the newly established newspaper, "Our Fight".
The new newspaper, which calls for workers' control and the class struggle,
was founded by workers from the occupied factories of Zanon and Brukman.
The PTS speaker emphasised that the problems at the Junin clinic were bound
up with those of the whole country and the catastrophic crisis that the
ruling class and the IMF had brought to Argentina. She argued that
demonstrations and one day strikes should be only a first step to an active
general strike.What is behind the project of a political alternative?
It is not only their united demonstration that differentiates the unions in
Cordoba from those in the rest of the country. They also reveal a higher
degree of politicisation. In all the trade union leaders' speeches, the need
for a political alternative to the pro-IMF government was emphasised. In
Cordoba, however, this process is more advanced than elsewhere.
What is the basis of the greater degree of trade union unity in Cordoba,
which is unusual in Argentina, and why is there a higher degree of
politicisation? The first important point is the specific political
situation in the province. For two years, it has been governed by the
Peronist Governor, de la Sota, an extremely reactionary figure on the right
wing of the Justice Party (that is, the Peronist party) who is currently the
main cheerleader for the economic policy of the IMF.
De la Sota is the perfect example of a "Gorilla", as the open enemies of the
workers' movement are called in Argentina. Since he came to office he has
tried to break up what remained of the state sector of industry and to sell
if off cheaply to the multinational companies "which are their most
important patrons". In this context it has to be born in mind that Cordoba
is now one of the key industrial centres of the country alongside Buenos
Aires and Rosario. Many multinationals from the car industry to engineering
have built huge factories in Cordoba
In Cordoba, a "classic" polarisation between a labour movement with strong
traditions of militancy and a strong capitalist class with direct links to
the imperialists has developed. As a result, there is less room here for
populism. De la Sota is the first Peronist Governor in a province normally
controlled by the Liberal UCR and even he is not a classic populist but
rather a figure from the "centre-left".
On the basis of this sharper confrontation with the bosses and the political
vacuum left by the failures of the "centre left", the unions have taken the
initiative for the building of a "political alternative". The union leaders'
speeches were actually a reflection of intensive behind the scenes
negotiations. Luz y Fuerza and other trade unions in Cordoba are among the
most important supporters of the "MORENO" movement, that is the project for
a new party under bourgeois nationalist leadership.
The political subordination of the labour movement to such a project poses a
real danger for the working class. Instead of fighting to defend its
interests against form of exploitation, whether by foreign or home grown
capitalists, the union bureaucrats are looking for an alliance with the
scarcely existent "national employers". As numerous historical example show,
the outcome of this could only be the subordination of workers' interests to
the dictates of "higher productivity" and price rises for important goods to
"protect domestic producers' share of the market".
The comrades of the PTS have rightly been arguing that the rank and file of
Luz y Fuerza should demand that their leaders break with such a Popular
Front and instead stand for the building of a workers' party. Such a party,
based on democratic delegate assemblies and a revolutionary action
programme, would constitute an important step towards political class
independence and send an important signal to the rest of the country.
The unions in Cordoba have a much more militant tradition than in most parts
of Argentina. In the revolutionary period 1969-76, the city saw two
uprisings, the Cordobazo of 1969 and the "Vibrazo" of 1971 as well as a
series of hard fought strikes. It is also the city of legendary workers'
leaders such as Tosco and militant, democratic trade unions such as
Sitrac-Sitram.
Nor is this a tradition confined to history. Last year, Cordoba saw one of
the most bitter workers' struggles of recent years. Via intimidation and the
stacking of the regional parliament, de la Sota won a one vote majority for
the privatisation of the electricity supply industry.
At first, in typical bureaucratic manner, the leadership of Luz y Fuerza
limited itself to an appeal to the High Court. The predictable failure of
this policy was not long in coming.
However, then the rank and file, who had prevented a previous attempt at
privatisation in 1999 through a hard strike and numerous battles with the
police, took the initiative. On the basis of a "Delegates' Meeting", a kind
of works' council, in May 2001, they began a week long campaign of street
blockades and demonstrations which ended in the mass arrest of 218
electricity workers.
This proved to be a tactical error by the police because it unleashed a wave
of solidarity for the protestors who were quickly released. A demonstration
of 7,000 marched against police repression and a campaign of solidarity grew
throughout the winter months.
The campaign, which included the coordinated switching off of houselights in
the evenings, brought 15,000 onto the streets in mid November and twice that
number at the end of the month. In the end, de la Sota had to back down and
shelve the privatisation. The victory of Luz y Fuerza was the first
successful campaign against privatisation since the beginning of the
neo-liberal offensive in the early 1990's.
FOR MORE ON THE REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS IN ARGENTINA SEE:
http://www.workerspower.com/wpglobal/Argentina-index.html
============================================================
>>ARGENTINA: WORKERS TAKE CLINIC INTO THEIR OWN HANDS
Workers Power Global, Cordoba
During our stay in Cordoba we went with the PTS comrades to visit the clinic
at Junin. The clinic was occupied by its staff five days before the general
strike and the cause of the occupation shows just how catastrophic the
Argentinian crisis has been for the working class. The workers had not been
paid for 11 months! In the weeks leading up to the strike, the PTS comrades
had been in regular contact with them and in the last week of May they
decided to take the initiative.
The situation is very tense because the police have threatened to clear the
buildings. As a result, guards and other security measures have been
organised and dozens of Leftist activists from the city visit the clinic
regularly to show solidarity. Left members of the regional parliament have
met and registered their support. Nearby, a huge banner proclaiming
solidarity with the struggle in the health sector is draped from the Luz y
Fuerza headquarters.
The struggle of the workers at the Junin clinic could become an important
focus for the radical class struggle in Cordoba, a class struggle which is
not led by the bureaucrats but by the workers themselves.
Some days after the general strike in Cordoba, there followed an even more
far reaching action, the workers at the biggest hospital in the whole
province decided to join forces with their colleagues in Junin and occupy
their own hospital.
The PTS and the LRCI have rightly pointed to the emergence of an important
new phenomenon in response to the crisis. Workers in an increasing number of
places, the most well known are Zanon and Brukman which were the first but
now there are more than 70, have occupied their plants and taken over
control of production or other work.
They have not taken this radical step because of an existing ideological
commitment but because to defend their threatened jobs they have been forced
to put in question private ownership of the means of production and to take
practical steps to expropriate the bosses.
By doing this, and they are increasingly aware of it, they have opened the
way to the solution of the crisis that the ruling class has led the country
into, an Argentina without capitalists and under the rule of the working
class.FOR MORE ON THE REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS IN ARGENTINA SEE:
http://www.workerspower.com/wpglobal/Argentina-index.html
============================================================
>>IRELAND: JOBS BOOM ENDS AND PUBLIC SECTOR REBELS
Workers Power Global, Galway
The general election in Ireland has put Fianna Fail back as the dominant par
ty in the next government. They gained around 43% of the vote and are
halfway through negotiations to form a coalition with their preferred
partners, the Progressive Democrats.
Despite two defeats in recent referendums called by the outgoing FF
government - on EU treaty conditions and abortion - FF has increased its
number of deputies from 77 to 81. Despite numerous findings of corruption
among Fianna Fail politicians in recent tribunals, including the jailing of
Liam Lawlor, Bertie Ahern has strengthened FF's grip on power.
The feel-good factor from nearly a decade of "Celtic Tiger" economic success
means that in general there is satisfaction, albeit that this feel-good is
very unequal: the gap between the rich and poor has widened enormously.
The main opposition party - Fine Gael - did very badly, losing 23 of its
seats. It fell between two stools: Christian Democratic conservatism
personified by Bruton in his advocacy of fiscal rectitude and opposition to
abortion and a vague form of Social Democracy represented by Noonan in terms
of health reforms and limited abortion rights.
Labour maintained its share of the vote, ending up with twenty-one seats,
the same as before. This was a major disappointment given they expected that
the merger with Democratic Left would bring electoral gains. Their
inactivity on the ground is the main reason for their failure in this
regard.
There was a marked increase of support for Sinn Fein. Sean Crowe's victory
in Dublin South West gave them their first seat of this election. Caoimghin
O Caolain retained his seat in Cavan-Monaghan and colleague Martin Ferris
took a seat in Kerry North. Overall, Sinn Fein's score rose from 2.5% to 7%,
which has given them five seats in all.
In the period ahead we are likely to see a changing economic situation in
the South; already the recession in the US has had an effect with a lot of
job losses in MNC's as corporations rationalise to maximise ever dwindling
profits.
The central bargaining that has been so successful since the late 1980s in
keeping wage restraint has been thrown into question by IBEC, the bosses
TUC. However it is likely that the partnership deals will be defended by the
government, due to it attraction to foreign capital and its role in
maintaining social peace.
The public sector will be the axis of significant industrial action in what
could become an autumn of discontent, in particular over benchmarking and a
stepped-up privatisation offensive Aer Lingus, a company they would like to
model itself on British Airways, has already been targeted. Next in line is
An Post; already an industrial action is pending as 12,000 clerical workers
get ready for strike action over low pay.
In the private sector, the offensive by US multinationals has been
successful, exemplified by the fact that in effect there has been no
industrial action in this the dominant force in the private sector.
Fianna Fail, back in power with five years ahead of them, will have wind in
their sails now to move ahead on privatization, productivity/benchmarking
and wage restraint.
On 6th March a referendum held in the South of Ireland to insert an
amendment to Article 40.3.3 of the constitution was defeated. The aim of the
amendment was to roll back the situation that exists at present where it is
lawful for a woman to have an abortion in this state if she is suicidal.
The No vote won by a margin of approx. 10,000 votes (less than 1%) mirroring
the closeness of the divorce referendum vote in the mid-nineties when the
Irish people voted Yes for divorce by a margin of approx 9000 votes.
The defeat of this referendum means that the status quo remains i.e. that
suicide remains a ground on which abortion may be permitted in this country.
We welcomed the defeat of this attempt by the government to roll back the
gains - albeit small - that resulted from the Supreme Court judgement in the
X case, a judgement forced out of it by country-wide struggle in 1992 but
pointed out that it will make no difference to the ever-increasing numbers
of women who travel to Britain for abortions - 6000 a year and rising.
FOR MORE ON IRELAND SEE:
http://www.workerspower.com/wpglobal/IrelandElectionMay02.html

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